Seyedeh Marjan Tabatabaee; Farough Amin Mozaffari; Mohammad Abbaszadeh; Samad Sabbagh
Abstract
The purpose of this research is to study the feminist discourse in the contemporary Iran. The data of our research are gathered from Zanan (Women) and the Feminist School magazines. Therefore, we looked at the feminist discourse in the texts of these magazines from 1992 to 2011. We also have used the ...
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The purpose of this research is to study the feminist discourse in the contemporary Iran. The data of our research are gathered from Zanan (Women) and the Feminist School magazines. Therefore, we looked at the feminist discourse in the texts of these magazines from 1992 to 2011. We also have used the historical and social data of Iran over this period. The results show that the basic structure of the discourse of feminism represents five different articulations. Each of the articulations was formed on the basis of five various nodal points; women's economic participation, religious innovation, human rights, secular religiosity and inter-movement coalition. Often the main antagonist between the feminist discourse and the dominant discourse is over unequal gender laws. This is due to the different perceptions of femininity in the two discourses. Eventually, this antagonism led to a shift in the discourse of feminism from a democratic discourse to a popular one.
Sociology
Hasan Nazari; Seyfollah Seyfollahi; Hasan Saraie
Abstract
The present study has been conducted with the aim of offering a sociological examination and explanation of the discourse of political identity in Iran after the revolution. Therefore, the concept of political identity has been the focus of the investigation, and its semantic transformations has first ...
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The present study has been conducted with the aim of offering a sociological examination and explanation of the discourse of political identity in Iran after the revolution. Therefore, the concept of political identity has been the focus of the investigation, and its semantic transformations has first been studied in the macro semantic spectrum of the Islamic Revolution, and then in the two discourses of reformist and conservative parties in the framework of intra and inter-textual analysis according to discourse theory and using critical discourse analysis in six historically important and influential junctures during these years. Subsequently, as a way of extra-textual analysis, the historical, economic, political and cultural context of each period has been examined. Finally, this analysis and explanation have depicted a series of final typologies regarding the topic, mainly being: The desired political identity of the legal positivist liberal subject, the democratic anti-tyranny subject, the religious justice-seeking subject, the revolutionary obligation-centered subject, the populist anti-abuse subject, the moderate, justice-oriented critic subject.
mohsen Kermani; Abolfazl Delavari
Abstract
Abstract With the rise of disputes from the rotation of the post-modern and post-structuralism and post-marxism in the social science literature, the concepts of ideology, hegemony, the subject, power and resistance became most usable and controversial concepts in this area. Outcome of this dispute was ...
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Abstract With the rise of disputes from the rotation of the post-modern and post-structuralism and post-marxism in the social science literature, the concepts of ideology, hegemony, the subject, power and resistance became most usable and controversial concepts in this area. Outcome of this dispute was a range of views and interpretations of these concepts. Depending, in recent years the trend and interest in the intellectual climate of our society, particularly in terms of vogue theory and discourse analysis has been established. However, in some cases it can be seen that these concepts without attention and awareness of the theoretical and conceptual similarities and differences between them are used. Accordingly, in the present article trying with obtaining analytical and critical approach similarities and differences of these concepts in the view of most theorists in the field such as Marx, Althusser, Gramsci, Foucault and Laclau and Mouffe be studied and explained. The results of this study implies that each of these concepts find the different mean in different theories. Thus the researchers before applying any of the above concepts must identify the appropriate theoretical approach with expected meaning of these concepts.Because the traditional concept of ideology and hegemony value-loaded and is based on the existence of transcendental truth. While discourse analysts deny the existence of truth and believe that these discourses that serve to define the truth.
Jafar Hezarjaribi; Reza Safari Shali
Abstract
Abstract The present study analyzes the discourses of social justice using Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe's discourse theory, with reducing poverty and deprivation as the central sign in the First to Fifth Development Plans Bills (approved in the three governments of Hashemi, Khatami, and Ahmadinejad). ...
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Abstract The present study analyzes the discourses of social justice using Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe's discourse theory, with reducing poverty and deprivation as the central sign in the First to Fifth Development Plans Bills (approved in the three governments of Hashemi, Khatami, and Ahmadinejad). It aims at revealing the differences in approach, policymaking, and function of the discourses through studying the main signs and specific articulations of each discourse and exploring the effects of non-discursive factors on every discourse. The results of the discourse analysis of the texts indicated that the Construction Government, with its hegemony over the political and social space of the country, attempted at othering of the government of Mousavi through criticizing the representation of social justice in the first decade ofthe Revolution, and its principles and indicators, especially with regards to the payment of subsidies by the government to the people. It presented a new representation of social justice, which was highly influenced by the post-war political and social space of the country, the necessity of reconstruction of damages caused by war, economic reform of the country, and move towards economic growth in order to obtain the financial resources required for the construction and reconstruction of the country. Accordingly, a new economic concept, with economic growth as its primary indicator, was introduced by the government in representation of the floating signifier of social justice. The reformist discourse, with an emphasis on political development, proposed the association of political and economic development necessary for the realization of the floating signifier of social justice with reducing poverty and deprivation as the central sign. The last hegemonic discourse in the Islamic Republic of Iran, known as the discourse of justice-oriented Principlism, attempted to implement the economic development plan through othering the previous discourses and proposing a specific definition of the floating signifier of justice. In this level, with regards to the represented concept of social justice in this discourse, which involves equal distribution of opportunities and facilities among people and regions of the country so that all parts of the country can develop together and coordinately, the government of Ahmadinejad placed on its agenda, alongside the targeted subsidy plan, a new kind of privatization, which involved the payment of justice shares, i.e. distribution of shares of public companies among people instead of transfer of those companies to individuals.
