Meisam Ahrabian Sadr
Abstract
The objective of this study is to evaluate certain theoretical approaches that as a general framework, play a central role in analyzing spatial inequality in contemporary Tehran. The aim of this work is to identify the theoretical contribution of each study in connection with other research. Understanding ...
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The objective of this study is to evaluate certain theoretical approaches that as a general framework, play a central role in analyzing spatial inequality in contemporary Tehran. The aim of this work is to identify the theoretical contribution of each study in connection with other research. Understanding the general framework of spatial inequality analysis, the potentiality of each theory could be outlined and developed. In addition, clarifying the main factors of explaining Tehran's spatial inequality and understanding their similarities and differences, it is hoped that this study could provide the possibility of epistemological and methodological reflection on these basic approaches. Hence, initially through a brief review of the sociological theories focused on explanation of spatial inequality, an overview of the main concepts and assumptions of this field of social science has been presented. After that, exploring the archive of publications on the subject, the theories and opinions of the researchers, specifically those who have investigated on Tehran, have been criticized and reviewed. Using the scope of the literature, all findings are categorized in three levels of analysis, macro, and micro and mezzo, so that based on the level of analysis, the interpreting and analyzing of each theory could be possible. The results show that are some assumptions common between all researches. At the same time, some aspects of Tehran's spatial inequality has not been, sociologically and historically, explored yet or there are more rooms for further investigations. Therefore, on basis of this study, some area of research could be suggested which could develop our understanding about rapid socio-spatial changes in Tehran.
Nematollah Fazeli; Meisam Ahrabian Sadr
Abstract
Nematollah Fazeli Meisam Ahrabian Sadr Date of Receive: 2009/5/24Date of Accept: 2010/4/28AbstractIn the thirteenth century Iran, there was triple full-covering clothing – Chador-Ruband-Chaqchur – in which women were encompassed, during their public and civic presence, so that almost no part ...
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Nematollah Fazeli Meisam Ahrabian Sadr Date of Receive: 2009/5/24Date of Accept: 2010/4/28AbstractIn the thirteenth century Iran, there was triple full-covering clothing – Chador-Ruband-Chaqchur – in which women were encompassed, during their public and civic presence, so that almost no part of her body could be seen. Such clothing was creating various possibilities, routines, and margins; in other words, in the context of social behavior, this kind of clothing was used, evaluated, and connected to the texture of everyday action, but its very essence found its importance and prominence in connection with two basic functions: covering and deforming. Women’s clothing went to fight with defined forms and specific shapes. This clothing surrounded bodies, and wiped out their boundaries. So, anything surrounded by Chador and Ruband disappeared and remained hidden from eyes. Secrecy, like a shield, like a hiding fortress, drew a secure shell around bodies, removed them from objective surface and gently pushed them into the depths. Nevertheless, one can ask at what time and in what regularity women’s clothing became a social problem, and why and in accordance to what specific objective necessity the request for revising was arisen? In the way of answering to this question, a wider process can be considered. In fact, from the middle ages ofthirteenth century, confronting with obstacles were on the way of Iran’s new changes, actors were invited to struggle with manifestations and appearances of secrecy.After a short introduction, discussing the issue, and referring to some theoretical and methodological topics, this text presents a historical review of secrecy process in thirteenth century Iran, in three phases: in the first part, there is a description about daily use of women’s clothing, its conditions and requirements; the second part talks about the routine and flexible functions of this kind of clothing; and finally, based on descriptions and implications of previous parts, the last part refers to the results of this process, considering the perceptible ruptures and breaks that the rule of covering could create at that time.
