Morteza Parvizan; Jafar Hezarjaribi
Abstract
The present study aimed to investigate the type of interpretation of domestic violence by domestic violence and the type of exposure to domestic violence. Researchers have semi-structured interviews with thirty women who had previously been subjected to domestic violence, considering the field of interest ...
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The present study aimed to investigate the type of interpretation of domestic violence by domestic violence and the type of exposure to domestic violence. Researchers have semi-structured interviews with thirty women who had previously been subjected to domestic violence, considering the field of interest (economic, cultural and social), and after conducting interviews in the dominant text, using the qualitative approach of encoded theorem theory Concepts and mining of central issues. . After examining the variety of women's perceptions of domestic violence and interviewing, most of the concepts related to the category of "physical violence" were "emotional violence" financial violence, which is also explained by the variables underlying the researchers' point of view, so that many Women who had reacted in the face of domestic violence had low education, poor support networks, high adherence to cultural traditions and rural and marginalized villages, and more physical and financial violence against women. This is evident the need to assign a different type of service The psychological and cultural support organizations are in these areas.
Jafar Hezarjaribi; Reza Safari Shali
Abstract
Abstract The present study analyzes the discourses of social justice using Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe's discourse theory, with reducing poverty and deprivation as the central sign in the First to Fifth Development Plans Bills (approved in the three governments of Hashemi, Khatami, and Ahmadinejad). ...
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Abstract The present study analyzes the discourses of social justice using Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe's discourse theory, with reducing poverty and deprivation as the central sign in the First to Fifth Development Plans Bills (approved in the three governments of Hashemi, Khatami, and Ahmadinejad). It aims at revealing the differences in approach, policymaking, and function of the discourses through studying the main signs and specific articulations of each discourse and exploring the effects of non-discursive factors on every discourse. The results of the discourse analysis of the texts indicated that the Construction Government, with its hegemony over the political and social space of the country, attempted at othering of the government of Mousavi through criticizing the representation of social justice in the first decade ofthe Revolution, and its principles and indicators, especially with regards to the payment of subsidies by the government to the people. It presented a new representation of social justice, which was highly influenced by the post-war political and social space of the country, the necessity of reconstruction of damages caused by war, economic reform of the country, and move towards economic growth in order to obtain the financial resources required for the construction and reconstruction of the country. Accordingly, a new economic concept, with economic growth as its primary indicator, was introduced by the government in representation of the floating signifier of social justice. The reformist discourse, with an emphasis on political development, proposed the association of political and economic development necessary for the realization of the floating signifier of social justice with reducing poverty and deprivation as the central sign. The last hegemonic discourse in the Islamic Republic of Iran, known as the discourse of justice-oriented Principlism, attempted to implement the economic development plan through othering the previous discourses and proposing a specific definition of the floating signifier of justice. In this level, with regards to the represented concept of social justice in this discourse, which involves equal distribution of opportunities and facilities among people and regions of the country so that all parts of the country can develop together and coordinately, the government of Ahmadinejad placed on its agenda, alongside the targeted subsidy plan, a new kind of privatization, which involved the payment of justice shares, i.e. distribution of shares of public companies among people instead of transfer of those companies to individuals.
Jafar Hezarjaribi; Asadollah Mehri
Jafar Hezarjaribi; Mohammad Aghabeigi
jafar hezarjoraibi
Abstract
Present paper investigates the structure of the middle class (with a focus on new middle class) in Iran. Methodologically this paper is analytical. For data gathering documentary method was used. Theoretical framework for analysis is based on theories of Max Weber & Antonym Giddines. For in these ...
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Present paper investigates the structure of the middle class (with a focus on new middle class) in Iran. Methodologically this paper is analytical. For data gathering documentary method was used. Theoretical framework for analysis is based on theories of Max Weber & Antonym Giddines. For in these two theoreticians’ views, three criteria of wealth, status and power (social and economic status as well as efficiency and expertise) are used to distinguish social classes and strata. (New) Middle class mainly consists of beaurocrats. Although some of them are economically weak, due to the level of their expertise and education they are considered as the members of the middle class. The concept of New Middle class in Iran is formed as a consequence of relation with the west, and its process is not as the same as western countries. Hence the concept of middle class does not have the same sense as in the west. Iran’s Middle class is an outcome of modernization which has been imported from western countries and developed since Mashroute revolution. In conclusion, while the discourse of enlightment is democratic, middle class is created and developed as a concentration of enlightment.
